Also, some revisionist history by the ANC for your enjoyment. Barf!

If only that was Fuckwit

Magnus, one of our regulars sent this in for our consideration.Thanks guy!

Article by: •Thami ka Plaatjie who is an ignoramous and a director of the Pan African Foundation. Isn’t “Plaatjie” a hotnot name?

Black South Africans owe De Klerk nothing

IT HAS become fashionable to accord and heap all manner of praises, eulogies and felicitations on FW de Klerk for the so-called emancipation of our people with the unbanning of political parties and the release of political prisoners on February 2, 1990.

De Klerk has earned international acclaim and was bestowed with the much coveted Noble Peace prize.

Twenty years later, he still receives unending accolades for the “sterling role” that he played to free the Africans from bondage.

I wish to argue that we don’t owe De Klerk praise, nor accolades, nor any other form of expression of gratitude.

The apartheid regime was the most heinous and devious oppressive regime known to mankind.

The catalogue of its monstrous activities exceeded the atrocious bestial level of psychopaths, bandits and war criminals.

De Klerk’s so-called historical announcement on February 2, 1990, was an act of conceding defeat. His regime could no longer sustain the war that his forebears started in 1652.

The forces of progress were marching buoyant, determined to make the last and final stand against the racist regime that had been declared a crime against humanity by the United Nations.

The liberation of Mozambique left the apartheid regime shell-shocked since it meant new adversarial neighbours.

The liberation of Zimbabwe, through revolutionary means, ushered into power Zanu with the installation of a new flag and the return of the ancient name of Zimbabwe.

In a desperate attempt to forestall the inevitable, the apartheid regime sponsored insurgencies and bandits like Renamo and Unita but their efforts proved to have no effect.

Attempts to repel and destroy the Cuban forces from Angola proved futile.

In the air space of Angola the South African airpower of Impalas, Mirages and Cheetahs were a poor match for the ferocious might of the Cuban MiG23.

The sheer imposing sound of the Cuban aircraft sent apartheid soldiers screaming for their mothers. The buoyant and gallant forces of Umkhonto we Sizwe and the Cubans witnessed the desperate fleeing of apartheid soldiers with tails between their shaking legs.

Cuban fighter aircraft

Apartheid power surrendered and an armistice resulted in the UN sponsored Resolution 435 which paved the way for the independence of Namibia.

Boog chimpout

The apartheid regime was faced with immense challenges on virtually all fronts. At the home front it faced incessant labour unrest under the aegis of Cosatu and Nactu. Civil disobedience crippled the local government sector since the Vaal 1984 rent uprising.

International pressure was mounting with the impending hanging of the Sharpeville Six. Schools were rendered battle fields with clashes, led by groups like Cosas, between pupils and soldiers.

Azapo’s Muntu Myeza, Thami Mcwera, Lybon Mabaso and Ishmael Mkhabela gave the regime sleepless nights with lucid articles laced with Steve Biko’s ideologies, mass action and targeted boycotts.

The African ecumenical community, led by the feisty Desmond Tutu Archbishop Emeritus, and the African business community led by the pondering Nthato Motlana, gave the regime little rest.

The imposition of the State of Emergency escalated violence further.

On May 5, 1987, The Rand Daily Mail reported that in 1986 alone there were 76 hand grenade attacks, 64 limpet mine explosions, one RPG7 explosion, 12 landmine explosions and 76 cases recorded of the use of Russian AK47s.

The Azanian Peoples Liberation Army (Apla) had been reconstituted with new impetus by the arrival of Sabelo Phama in exile which saw fresh attacks launched.

In a desperate attempt to undercut the growing urban resistance and defiance, the regime sponsored vigilante groups but with no success.

The forces of progress were marching gallantly towards victory.

The people’s resistance was organised up to street level, with street committees and self-defence units manned by militant youth who responded to Oliver Tambo’s call to render the country ungovernable.

Economic sanctions, sports isolation, coupled with the ever-increasing militant activities of the mass democratic movement, left the regime gasping for air.

Faced with a country that was engulfed in a tumultuous urban warfare, the white community no longer trusted the regime with their future and safety.

Open defiance from the white populace increased which further erroded the Nationalists’ grip on power.

The insistence by Stellenbosch students to visit the ANC was embarrassing for the National Party.

An increase in the membership for the End Conscription Campaign, and increased militancy and the open defiance of conscientised white youth and white academics such as Sampie Terreblance against the futility of defending apartheid’s decadence, embarrassed the regime further.

Organised business was becoming apprehensive of operating in a volatile environment whose businesses were targets of attacks and mass looting.

It soon became a public relations disaster to justify or excuse apartheid. Apartheid was nearing its sell-by date and its decaying smell was evident to all.

The regime was no longer capable of defending itself. The regime began a process of gradual surrender to give an impression of bravery.

The government released a number of ANC and PAC prisoners from Robben Island in 1987, including Sello Matsobane, Zifozonke Tshikila and John Nkosi.

In November, 1987, it released Govan Mbeki and in 1988 Harry Gwala and Zeph Mothopeng were released. Soon Japhta Masemola and Walter Sisulu were also free.

De Klerk was buying time and accruing concessions especially from the international community which was beginning to ease sanctions.

The African people have earned their freedom themselves and due regard, esteem and glory belongs to them. Praise belongs to the many buried cadres, it belongs to the many maimed and injured, and to the many countless who are now forgotten.

Umkhonto we Sizwe anti-aircraft battery

February 2 marks the date of surrender of the racist regime. Before the nation and the world they hoisted a white flag of defeat and capitulation. Why must we praise them for accepting defeat?

A boxer does not give his crown to the opponent that he has defeated. Such a thing only takes place in the world of phantasmagoria.

De Klerk’s speech on February 2 was made out of exasperation, raising the blood pressure of his inner cabals and securocrats. Their nightmarish fears of the ultimate Armageddon were based on unfounded notions of the annihilation of the white race on a scale far greater than the Afrikaners’ killings at Dingaan’s kraal.

The regime was for the first time afraid; it was very afraid and was frantically and desperately in search of an escape hatch.

Heaping praise on De Klerk is sheer profligacy, hypocrisy, silly and selling out. He did not wake up loving Africans any more than he did on February 1, 1990.

That is why he now wants to create an Afrikaners-only university. We owe him nothing.